Suicide's not painless -- and this Message is Not for Charles Stivale who is an Ar.... You can read between the buttons Ruth

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Note: forwarded message attached. because you are
very smart and understand everything. If I was not a
married man with a very jealous Hindu wife I would
propose an affair with you. However, I would not
backchannel you .

regards
E.M.

____________________________________________________________
Do You Yahoo!?
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Date: Tue, 28 Aug 2001 22:47:46 -0700
Subject: [JPN] Hani Shukrallah: Suicide's not painless
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<p>

<tt>
<BR>
<BR>
[In this article from the Egyptian weekly Al-Ahram, columnist Hani <BR>
Shukrallah discusses why it is so difficult to address the morality <BR>
of suicide bombing, when the world seems to have lost its more <BR>
general moral compass where it comes to the Palestine-Israel <BR>
conflict.&nbsp; Indeed, Shukrallah adds, the debate is even more <BR>
constrained by the gross simplifications that have taken root around <BR>
it -- both in Arab countries and in the West -- as to what <BR>
contributes to or reduces the conflict, the intifada, or the <BR>
achievement of justice.&nbsp; Chauvinism as well as doctrinaire political <=
BR>
sentiments inevitably prevail.&nbsp; But Shukrallah asserts that the real <=
BR>
strength of the Palestinian cause is its fundamental morality: the <BR>
demand for liberation.&nbsp; And here he takes his own moral stand, by <BR>
insisting, against assaults from all directions, that morality does <BR>
have a universal (if historically contextual) dimension.&nbsp; &quot;Is it =
not <BR>
worthwhile, then,&quot; Shukrallah asks, &quot;for [Palestinians] to take t=
he <BR>
moral high ground that is theirs by right, and suit their means of <BR>
struggle to the substance of their cause?&quot;&nbsp; --LS]<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
<a href=3D"http://www.ahram.org.eg/weekly/2001/548/op9.htm";>http://www.ahra=
m.org.eg/weekly/2001/548/op9.htm</a><BR>
<BR>
Suicide's not painless<BR>
By Hani Shukrallah<BR>
<BR>
The state of the Arab world today, and especially of Egypt, is such <BR>
that reasoned debate is next to impossible. The process of reducing <BR>
the Intifada (in people's minds, if not yet fully on the ground) to <BR>
&quot;martyrdom operations&quot; is almost complete. Thus, if you criticise=
<BR>
such operations, you open yourself to accusations of playing into <BR>
American hands, of acting to bring an end to the Intifada. The matter <BR>
becomes even more sensitive given that Arab governments, under US <BR>
pressure, are doing just that, with considerable PA complicity -- and <BR>
we have yet to draw attention to the vulgarity, viciousness and <BR>
slanderous accusations that have characterised the debate of such <BR>
&quot;sensitive&quot; issues in our country.<BR>
<BR>
Here, I might point out that I'm fully aware of the dubious advantage <BR>
that this column gives me. My little bit of partially liberated <BR>
territory (we're talking armed struggle, so we might as well use <BR>
military metaphors), being in English, is safer than most. That, <BR>
however, is a privilege I do not welcome. I would like to think of <BR>
this column as sniper fire, but I'm the first to admit that my &quot;safe <=
BR>
haven&quot; or &quot;foco&quot; (as Che Guevara/R=E9gis Dupr=E9 might have =
put it back <BR>
in the '60s), may well be so safe that the bullets are not hitting <BR>
any worthwhile target.<BR>
<BR>
Let me first of all underline a certain dilemma that faces all of us <BR>
in addressing the issue of suicide operations. It is, like many other <BR>
issues in contemporary Arab life, a debate under siege. In this case, <BR>
the blatant hypocrisy of the Western world -- its political leaders <BR>
and media -- in viewing the Israeli/Palestinian confrontation tempts <BR>
one to shout &quot;a plague on all your houses, we will do our best to be <=
BR>
the vicious, heartless beasts you make us out to be. Our children are <BR>
no less precious than yours, our lives no less sacred, our dignity no <BR>
less worthy of preservation.&quot; I need not cite the multitudinous <BR>
examples of the flagrant double standard. They're only too familiar.<BR>
<BR>
I could cite one of the less flagrant examples of this double <BR>
standard, however, which struck me as especially poignant just for <BR>
being so. It is the statement made by German Foreign Minister, <BR>
Joschka Fischer, at the time of the Tel Aviv disco bombing. <BR>
Expressing his horror at the suicide bombing, he said that it <BR>
conjured up the image of his own teenage children, who also queue up <BR>
to go into discos. It struck me at the time that Mr Fischer (a nice, <BR>
left-wing social democrat who would be horrified at the suggestion <BR>
that his body harbours a single racist bone) would never think of <BR>
drawing a similar parallel in the case of Palestinian children and <BR>
teenagers, who are being killed and maimed daily, and in much greater <BR>
numbers. Some of them would even frequent discos if they could find <BR>
them.<BR>
<BR>
Mr Fischer, who was in Israel at the time, is supposed to have &quot;saved =
<BR>
the day&quot; by rushing to Arafat and pressuring him to declare a <BR>
unilateral cease-fire immediately. It was this declaration -- we've <BR>
been told -- that stayed Sharon's hand from carrying on with the <BR>
Israeli military's plan to reoccupy parts of the self-rule <BR>
territories and destroy the PA. But that is another story.<BR>
<BR>
I have described armed attacks against Israeli civilians as <BR>
&quot;immoral.&quot; I realise that this is a particularly weak aspect of m=
y <BR>
argument -- not because there is no such thing as an Israeli <BR>
civilian, but because the &quot;masters of the universe,&quot; in Washingto=
n <BR>
and elsewhere, have made a total mockery of any humanitarian moral <BR>
standard. Even organisations mandated to uphold the humanitarian <BR>
moral standards that have been codified into international law (e.g. <BR>
the International Red Cross) have conspicuously failed to do so in <BR>
any consistent manner.<BR>
<BR>
The purely arbitrary nature of horrified condemnations of certain <BR>
military acts against civilians, and the approving justification of <BR>
others, seems to deny the existence of a moral standard of any kind <BR>
in this matter. This is especially true because we know that <BR>
sanctioned killing and maiming of non-combatants claim so many more <BR>
victims, and cause far greater human suffering, than the operations <BR>
that give rise to horrified condemnation of the sort expressed by Mr <BR>
Fischer.<BR>
<BR>
I do believe, however, that humanitarian moral standards do exist, <BR>
that they express something fundamental about our human nature, and <BR>
that they are subject to historical development -- essentially <BR>
through struggle. Take racism, for example, if only for the sake of <BR>
the forthcoming conference in Durban, South Africa. In moral terms, <BR>
humanity has come a long way over the past 50 years toward <BR>
recognising racism for the abhorrent monstrosity it always was. There <BR>
is no doubt in my mind, moreover, that this &quot;moral development&quot; c=
an <BR>
only be understood as the outcome of the anti-colonial struggles of <BR>
the peoples of the South and of ethnic minorities (particularly <BR>
African Americans) in the imperial North. That such struggles do not <BR>
merely lead to the defeat or weakening of particular structures of <BR>
racial supremacy, but are conceptually appropriated and expressed in <BR>
general terms as a rejection of any and all forms of racism, is what <BR>
human moral development is all about.<BR>
<BR>
The Palestinians' is a liberation struggle. Theirs is a supremely <BR>
moral cause. And it is from the morality of their cause that they <BR>
derive their greatest strength. Is it not worthwhile, then, for them <BR>
to take the moral high ground that is theirs by right, and suit their <BR>
means of struggle to the substance of their cause?<BR>
</tt>

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