Suicide's not painless -- and this Message is Not for Charles Stivale who is an Ar.... You can read between the buttons Ruth

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Note: forwarded message attached. because you are
very smart and understand everything. If I was not a
married man with a very jealous Hindu wife I would
propose an affair with you. However, I would not
backchannel you .

regards
E.M.

____________________________________________________________
Do You Yahoo!?
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Date: Tue, 28 Aug 2001 22:47:46 -0700
Subject: [JPN] Hani Shukrallah: Suicide's not painless
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<tt>
 
 
[In this article from the Egyptian weekly Al-Ahram, columnist Hani 
Shukrallah discusses why it is so difficult to address the morality 
of suicide bombing, when the world seems to have lost its more 
general moral compass where it comes to the Palestine-Israel 
conflict.  Indeed, Shukrallah adds, the debate is even more 
constrained by the gross simplifications that have taken root around 
it -- both in Arab countries and in the West -- as to what 
contributes to or reduces the conflict, the intifada, or the 
achievement of justice.  Chauvinism as well as doctrinaire political <=
BR>
sentiments inevitably prevail.  But Shukrallah asserts that the real <=
BR>
strength of the Palestinian cause is its fundamental morality: the 
demand for liberation.  And here he takes his own moral stand, by 
insisting, against assaults from all directions, that morality does 
have a universal (if historically contextual) dimension.  "Is it =
not 
worthwhile, then," Shukrallah asks, "for [Palestinians] to take t=
he 
moral high ground that is theirs by right, and suit their means of 
struggle to the substance of their cause?"  --LS] 
 
 
 
<a href=3D"http://www.ahram.org.eg/weekly/2001/548/op9.htm";>http://www.ahra=
m.org.eg/weekly/2001/548/op9.htm</a> 
 
Suicide's not painless 
By Hani Shukrallah 
 
The state of the Arab world today, and especially of Egypt, is such 
that reasoned debate is next to impossible. The process of reducing 
the Intifada (in people's minds, if not yet fully on the ground) to 
"martyrdom operations" is almost complete. Thus, if you criticise=
 
such operations, you open yourself to accusations of playing into 
American hands, of acting to bring an end to the Intifada. The matter 
becomes even more sensitive given that Arab governments, under US 
pressure, are doing just that, with considerable PA complicity -- and 
we have yet to draw attention to the vulgarity, viciousness and 
slanderous accusations that have characterised the debate of such 
"sensitive" issues in our country. 
 
Here, I might point out that I'm fully aware of the dubious advantage 
that this column gives me. My little bit of partially liberated 
territory (we're talking armed struggle, so we might as well use 
military metaphors), being in English, is safer than most. That, 
however, is a privilege I do not welcome. I would like to think of 
this column as sniper fire, but I'm the first to admit that my "safe <=
BR>
haven" or "foco" (as Che Guevara/R=E9gis Dupr=E9 might have =
put it back 
in the '60s), may well be so safe that the bullets are not hitting 
any worthwhile target. 
 
Let me first of all underline a certain dilemma that faces all of us 
in addressing the issue of suicide operations. It is, like many other 
issues in contemporary Arab life, a debate under siege. In this case, 
the blatant hypocrisy of the Western world -- its political leaders 
and media -- in viewing the Israeli/Palestinian confrontation tempts 
one to shout "a plague on all your houses, we will do our best to be <=
BR>
the vicious, heartless beasts you make us out to be. Our children are 
no less precious than yours, our lives no less sacred, our dignity no 
less worthy of preservation." I need not cite the multitudinous 
examples of the flagrant double standard. They're only too familiar. 
 
I could cite one of the less flagrant examples of this double 
standard, however, which struck me as especially poignant just for 
being so. It is the statement made by German Foreign Minister, 
Joschka Fischer, at the time of the Tel Aviv disco bombing. 
Expressing his horror at the suicide bombing, he said that it 
conjured up the image of his own teenage children, who also queue up 
to go into discos. It struck me at the time that Mr Fischer (a nice, 
left-wing social democrat who would be horrified at the suggestion 
that his body harbours a single racist bone) would never think of 
drawing a similar parallel in the case of Palestinian children and 
teenagers, who are being killed and maimed daily, and in much greater 
numbers. Some of them would even frequent discos if they could find 
them. 
 
Mr Fischer, who was in Israel at the time, is supposed to have "saved =
 
the day" by rushing to Arafat and pressuring him to declare a 
unilateral cease-fire immediately. It was this declaration -- we've 
been told -- that stayed Sharon's hand from carrying on with the 
Israeli military's plan to reoccupy parts of the self-rule 
territories and destroy the PA. But that is another story. 
 
I have described armed attacks against Israeli civilians as 
"immoral." I realise that this is a particularly weak aspect of m=
y 
argument -- not because there is no such thing as an Israeli 
civilian, but because the "masters of the universe," in Washingto=
n 
and elsewhere, have made a total mockery of any humanitarian moral 
standard. Even organisations mandated to uphold the humanitarian 
moral standards that have been codified into international law (e.g. 
the International Red Cross) have conspicuously failed to do so in 
any consistent manner. 
 
The purely arbitrary nature of horrified condemnations of certain 
military acts against civilians, and the approving justification of 
others, seems to deny the existence of a moral standard of any kind 
in this matter. This is especially true because we know that 
sanctioned killing and maiming of non-combatants claim so many more 
victims, and cause far greater human suffering, than the operations 
that give rise to horrified condemnation of the sort expressed by Mr 
Fischer. 
 
I do believe, however, that humanitarian moral standards do exist, 
that they express something fundamental about our human nature, and 
that they are subject to historical development -- essentially 
through struggle. Take racism, for example, if only for the sake of 
the forthcoming conference in Durban, South Africa. In moral terms, 
humanity has come a long way over the past 50 years toward 
recognising racism for the abhorrent monstrosity it always was. There 
is no doubt in my mind, moreover, that this "moral development" c=
an 
only be understood as the outcome of the anti-colonial struggles of 
the peoples of the South and of ethnic minorities (particularly 
African Americans) in the imperial North. That such struggles do not 
merely lead to the defeat or weakening of particular structures of 
racial supremacy, but are conceptually appropriated and expressed in 
general terms as a rejection of any and all forms of racism, is what 
human moral development is all about. 
 
The Palestinians' is a liberation struggle. Theirs is a supremely 
moral cause. And it is from the morality of their cause that they 
derive their greatest strength. Is it not worthwhile, then, for them 
to take the moral high ground that is theirs by right, and suit their 
means of struggle to the substance of their cause? 
</tt>

 
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