Anthony
Of course context is not alibi. But the moral meaning of statements is a
function of the context in which they are made and the context to which they
refer. This is non-trivially true of the statements by Arendt which have been
discussed.
My ability to contribute to this debate is subject to the law of diminishing
returns and the finite patience of list members. Three remarks and I will beg
leave to retire.
1) Foucault is usually rather careful and precise in his wording, especially
in public interventions, and the wording can repay attention. He never, as
far as I know, explicitly adopts the principle of human rights. He speaks of a
universal right of the governed to act in solidarity with others, which is
based (if it needs a base) on the moral fact of solidarity itself.
2) Foucault is not an ideological pedant. He makes common cause, in given
cases, with human rights campaigners. I suspect (personal opinion only) that he
may have found some arguments against human rights campaigners to be facile,
cynical and morally careless.
3) It is likely that Foucault avoids using human-rights language in his own
name because he does not think our rights are contingent on our nature. But as
we have seen, he does think some affirmations of universal rights are
justified. Ian Hacking makes the fine remark about Foucault that he was rich in
values; the nihilistic Foucault is a fabrication of those with narrow monopolistic
claims to define the sources of value. If you think the only universal rights
of humans are those which are grounded in a human essence and if you decide
Foucault is correct in holding there is no such essence, then maybe you feel
uncomfortable. But then he is not responsible for your discomfort, nor is he
obliged to share it.
Regards
Colin
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Of course context is not alibi. But the moral meaning of statements is a
function of the context in which they are made and the context to which they
refer. This is non-trivially true of the statements by Arendt which have been
discussed.
My ability to contribute to this debate is subject to the law of diminishing
returns and the finite patience of list members. Three remarks and I will beg
leave to retire.
1) Foucault is usually rather careful and precise in his wording, especially
in public interventions, and the wording can repay attention. He never, as
far as I know, explicitly adopts the principle of human rights. He speaks of a
universal right of the governed to act in solidarity with others, which is
based (if it needs a base) on the moral fact of solidarity itself.
2) Foucault is not an ideological pedant. He makes common cause, in given
cases, with human rights campaigners. I suspect (personal opinion only) that he
may have found some arguments against human rights campaigners to be facile,
cynical and morally careless.
3) It is likely that Foucault avoids using human-rights language in his own
name because he does not think our rights are contingent on our nature. But as
we have seen, he does think some affirmations of universal rights are
justified. Ian Hacking makes the fine remark about Foucault that he was rich in
values; the nihilistic Foucault is a fabrication of those with narrow monopolistic
claims to define the sources of value. If you think the only universal rights
of humans are those which are grounded in a human essence and if you decide
Foucault is correct in holding there is no such essence, then maybe you feel
uncomfortable. But then he is not responsible for your discomfort, nor is he
obliged to share it.
Regards
Colin
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